East Legon is one of Accra’s most active commercial districts. By day, it hosts offices, salons, retail outlets, and restaurants. By night, its bars, lounges, clubs, and late-night eateries keep money circulating well past midnight. That same commercial intensity has also created a parallel, illegal economy operating alongside legitimate nightlife businesses: street-level prostitution.
In a field interview conducted on Friday night, alongside observations of trading patterns within the area’s nightlife economy, all individuals interviewed for this story spoke on condition of anonymity. Field interviews reveal that sex work in East Legon functions as a demand-driven market, sustained by foot traffic, disposable income, security presence, and extended business hours. Women working the streets consistently identified East Legon as a preferred location because of its concentration of entertainment venues, steady flow of clients, and relative safety compared to less commercialised areas. Several interviewees also cited pricing advantages, noting that services in East Legon charge higher rates than in other parts of the city due to clients’ higher spending power. “Because it is East Legon, the price is good,” one woman explained, adding that the area allows them to charge more for the same services.
“Sarina,” not her real name, a Ghanaian from Koforidua, is part of this informal workforce. She runs a pub in her hometown and supports her three children. At night, she works in East Legon to supplement income from her business. “This place is better,” she said. “People are around, cars are passing, and there is light.” She also cited proximity as a key factor in her choice of location. “Here, I know the area well compared to places like Osu, so it feels easier to manage situations if anything happens, and besides, it is closer to where I live” she said. According to Sarina, familiarity with the area and its community makes the work more predictable and safer compared to locations such as Osu. Her choice of location reflects a basic economic logic: where trade is active, demand exists.
The market structure is clear. Women operate independently or in small groups, setting prices based on time and service. Short encounters typically range between 500 and 1,500 cedis, while overnight arrangements can exceed 2,000 cedis depending on negotiation. Prices fluctuate with demand, client profile, and time of night. Several women explained that East Legon allows them to earn in fewer hours compared to quieter locations, often seeing two clients in a night. Some also maintain ongoing relationships with regular clients, who call them during the day, supplementing their nightly income even when business is slow.
This mirrors broader patterns in Ghana’s informal economy. According to the Ghana Statistical Service, informal employment accounts for the majority of jobs nationwide, particularly in urban areas where cost-of-living pressures remain high and formal employment growth has not kept pace with population expansion. Economists note that informal work thrives in commercially active zones where cash transactions are common and regulation is limited.
“Rejoice,” not her real name, a Nigerian migrant who runs a small hair-styling and clothing business by day, described sex work as a financing mechanism rather than a primary occupation. She said the nightlife economy in East Legon makes the work viable. “Here, people spend money. The places are open, the lights are on, and business moves,” she said. Her account reflects how extended operating hours in hospitality and entertainment indirectly sustain informal labour markets.
Research by development institutions, including the World Bank, has consistently linked the growth of urban informal economies to income inequality, underemployment, and rising urban living costs. In such environments, individuals often combine multiple income streams, moving between formal, informal, and illegal activities to stabilise household earnings.
East Legon’s advantage lies partly in infrastructure, but security remains a central concern. While public narratives often portray sex workers as perpetrators of crime, these field interviews indicate that they are frequently the victims. Sarina recounted an incident in which a man approached her as a potential client, only to stop along the way and, together with others, rob and physically assault her. The police arrived but took no action.
Another interviewee, Rejoice, explained that she has also been robbed, which is why she currently works without a phone. Several women said such incidents occur across the city, but the risk is highest in isolated or poorly lit areas. These experiences shape their choice of location, with East Legon emerging as a preferred market due to better lighting, street traffic, private security, and proximity to commercial venues, all of which reduce the likelihood of attack.
“Felicity,” not her real name, one of the commercial sex workers who holds a degree in political science and has acquired a skill in fashion, described her earnings in direct comparison with formal employment. She explained that a single night’s income could exceed what many entry-level jobs pay in a month. Labour economists argue that such wage differentials are a key driver of informal labour participation, particularly among young people facing graduate unemployment or low entry-level wages. She added that her ultimate goal is to use these earnings to establish her own fashion business, eventually allowing her to leave street work behind.
However, profitability does not equate to stability. All the women interviewed spoke about insecurity, including theft, extortion, and police harassment. Because prostitution is illegal under Ghana’s Criminal Code, workers operate without legal protection. According to one source, encounters with law enforcement often result in confiscation of money or sex rather than formal arrest. This lack of regulation creates a business environment where risk is borne entirely by the worker.
Public health research further complicates the picture. Studies by the Ghana Health Service and international health agencies show that female sex workers face higher health risks than the general population, largely due to limited access to healthcare, stigma, and fear of exposure. According to the Ghana AIDS Commission’s 2019 report, the country is home to more than 60,049 female sex workers.These risks represent hidden economic costs that are not reflected in daily earnings but affect long-term productivity and well-being.
An emerging pattern from the field interviews highlights a differentiated pricing structure within the sex work market. Several women reported that engagements with female clients tend to be more lucrative, often paying up to twice the rate of male clients. Standard rates for short engagements with male clients range from 500 to 1,500 cedis, whereas services involving female clients can command fees of up to 3,000 cedis or more per night. This price variation reflects a market-driven logic, where supply, demand, and client willingness to pay directly influence earnings. For the women operating in East Legon, such opportunities represent a significant component of their nightly revenue and financial strategy, underscoring the economic complexity of this informal sector.
What is striking from the East Legon field report is how closely sex work mirrors other informal businesses. There are location advantages, pricing strategies, customer segmentation, and informal partnerships. Women sometimes move in groups to attract clients and share opportunities. This is market behaviour responding to demand, not random activity.
From a business and economic standpoint, the presence of prostitution in East Legon is not accidental. It is a by-product of concentrated nightlife investment, extended operating hours, and uneven income distribution. The same conditions that make the area attractive to restaurants, bars, and clubs also make it viable for illegal services that rely on high foot traffic and discretionary spending.
As Ghana debates policies around a 24-hour economy, the East Legon experience raises difficult questions. Extended commercial activity creates jobs and boosts consumption, but it also expands informal and illegal markets that exist beyond regulation. Ignoring these realities does not eliminate them. It simply keeps them outside official economic planning.
What happens on the streets of East Legon after dark is not separate from Ghana’s economy. It is part of it. Understanding that connection is essential for any serious conversation about urban development, labour markets, and inclusive growth.
